WtE plants have been touted as a timely fix to the problem, meeting two ends simultaneously. One, they offer an alternative waste disposal mechanism, diverting solid waste from landfills. Two, through the generation of electricity or heat by burning waste, they provide a renewable energy source that limits reliance on fossil fuels, thereby reducing greenhouse gas emissions. 

However, while WtE plants have seen relative success in the European Union, environmentalists and scientists have warned that they may not be a suitable solution for India’s waste problem. Neither are they a viable approach to reducing carbon emissions. In fact, there are several factors that weigh against setting up WtE plants in India, which were covered in a comprehensive report titled To Burn or Not to Burn published by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in 2018. Here, we speak of two pertinent issues with incineration as a waste management solution in India.

The questionable quality of waste

The potential of a WtE operation to meet its energy production target depends on the quality of its waste feedstock. And the quality of waste is determined by three factors:

• Composition (biodegradable and non-biodegradable)
• Calorific value (how much energy it contains)
• Moisture content (the amount of water in solid waste)

Waste that can be burned would include what cannot be recycled, processed, or recovered for secondary use. Waste with low moisture content and high calorific value would be ideal for incineration. This includes materials such as non-recyclable plastics (multilayered packaging, plastic bags, styrofoam), contaminated non-usable household textile waste, and non-recyclable domestic hazardous waste, such as soiled paper, soiled cloth, pieces of leather, rubber, tyre, and non-usable wood.

Countries such as Sweden, Norway, Germany, and the United States have waste with high calorific value that ranges between 1,900 kcal/kg and 3,800 kcal/kg, which makes incineration an effective means of its disposal. In India, however, studies of waste tell a different story: Domestic waste typically contains high moisture content and has low calorific value, making it unsuitable for efficient combustion in WtE plants. It’s like attempting to burn damp tissue paper.

According to India’s Solid Waste Management (SWM) Rules, 2016, non-recyclable waste with calorific value of 1,500 kcal/kg or higher should be used to generate energy through WtE. While the calorific value of waste in India varies from city to city, the average value ranges from 1,411 kcal/kg to 2,150 kcal/kg, with high moisture content. For instance, in Guwahati (Assam) it is 1,833 kcal/kg; in Eluru (Andhra Pradesh) it can be as low as 1,080 kcal/kg.

Moreover, WtE plants in India often receive mixed waste, which includes organic, recyclable material. This tracks back to how waste is collected in the country. In every city, two types of waste collection systems operate simultaneously: formal and informal. In the informal system, waste pickers travel door to door to collect garbage, which they then sort. Recyclable material such as paper, electronics, and plastic are sold to recyclers, while the rest is transported to designated collection points known as dhalaos.

In the formal set-up, private concessionaires (companies) for collection, transportation, and disposal of waste are either hired by the municipality or a collection and transport (C&T) service is directly facilitated by the WtE operator. Municipalities often prefer outsourcing C&T to WtE companies for the ease of dealing with a single, more formalised entity rather than various informal players. This arrangement gives WtE operators the freedom to collect mixed waste and treat waste disposal as they see fit.

However, mixed waste has high moisture content and needs supplementary energy to incinerate or it won’t burn well. This energy is typically fossil-fuel-based, which undermines the claim that electricity produced by WtE plants is altogether clean.

Serious health and environmental implications

Incineration of mixed waste produces toxic particles, including carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, and sulphur dioxide due to inefficient burning. These particles can cause respiratory ailments and also lead to chronic lung diseases, such as asthma among people who live near WtE sites. 

Another result of inefficient burning is the large discharge of bottom ash. This could be as high as 30–40 percent of the total feed, which then ends up in open dump sites, contaminating the groundwater and soil with its toxic chemicals. It is also hazardous to waste pickers who work at these landfills. There are, unfortunately, almost no comprehensive studies on the direct impact of incinerators on public health in India.

According to one report, India had 12 operational and eight non-operational WtE plants in 10 states, as of November 2022, and the country’s ambitious Waste to Energy Programme has laid the groundwork for many more. In July last year, the Telangana government announced its plans to set up five additional WtE plants, while the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) has begun working on the fifth plant, in Bawana.   

Why are we still opening new WtE plants?

If India doesn’t have suitable waste for WtE plants and these plants are harmful to both human and environmental health, why are more of these facilities being built?

1. The profit motive

WtE operators or private concessionaires typically enter into contracts with municipalities for their waste management service, in exchange for a substantial tipping fee, where the weight of the waste determines the fee. The greater the tonnage, the higher the concessionaires stand to earn. Consequently, these companies prioritise unsegregated waste collection, as it results in higher tipping fees compared to segregated waste, which weighs less. Despite the fact that segregation of waste has been made mandatory under the SWM Rules, 2016, in many instances, it has been reported that it is mixed during collection.

The tipping fee received from municipal bodies is a major source of revenue for these private parties. For example, in Indore, the tipping fee is INR 1,080 per tonne, while in Delhi it’s INR 2,000–2,700. Consider a scenario where a city provides nearly 6,000 tonnes of waste to three private parties daily. Even at INR 2,000 per tonne per day, this amounts to approximately INR 1.2 crore. This could be why Delhi, for example, operates four WtE plants, burning close to 5,600 tonnes of waste a day, when only 1,100 tonnes are fit for incineration.

2. Subsidised cost of operation

Subsidies offered by the Government of India have rendered WtE an economically profitable venture for businesses and investors. The Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, for one, provides financial assistance to project developers as part of its Waste to Energy Programme. As the report To Burn or Not to Burn reveals, financial incentives are provided to urban local bodies for supplying garbage free of cost at the project site and for providing land on long-term lease at nominal rates (30 years and above). There are also incentives for preparing feasibility reports and for promotion, coordination, and monitoring of projects. All put together, these subsidies and incentives take care of approximately 40 percent of the project cost. If the subsidies are removed, operational costs may be too high to keep these plants profitable.

Even with the subsidies in place, electricity generated from WtE plants remains the costliest option. While coal and solar plants generate power at a rate of INR 2–3/kWh, WtE plants sell electricity at approximately INR 7/kWh. Given the availability of more economical alternatives, distribution companies show little interest in purchasing electricity at such high costs.

3. Loopholes in contracts

The revenue stream is further facilitated by the ambiguous language in the contracts signed between private companies and municipal bodies. Typically, these contracts refer to waste collection and disposal rather than to waste processing—a fundamental flaw in their wording. Ideally, waste collection for processing—that is, for processing of wet and dry waste—must be factored into the contract over just collection and disposal. This ambiguity gives private companies a loophole to work with and dispose the waste as they see fit, which is usually to incinerate it, the least sustainable option in the waste hierarchy.

4. Lax assessment and reporting parameters

During our research we found that, according to Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) rules, waste-based thermal power plants with a capacity of more than 20 MW are to be appraised at the Centre, while those with a capacity of 15–20 MW need state-level clearance. However, the catch is that plants with a capacity of less than 15 MW are exempt from environmental clearance, which is why cities often establish plants with a capacity below this ceiling.

In India, the monitoring parameters and emission standards for WtE plants are also not as strong as those in Europe. For example, European standards for emissions such as hydrochloride and sulphur oxides are almost five to four times lower than permissible Indian standards. Another challenge is the real-time monitoring of emissions from these plants. All WtE plants are equipped with continuous emission monitoring systems that track the release of pollutants in order to better regulate them. However, access to this data is typically restricted to the pollution control board or plant managers; it is not easily accessible to the general public, even though this information affects all of us. And the data that is available is often outdated. Additionally, during personal visits to some of these plants, I often found that the monitoring systems themselves were not functioning properly.

What needs to change?

In India, an estimated 55 million tonnes of municipal solid waste is generated annually by 377 million citizens residing in urban areas. With an urban population that’s expected to grow to 600 million by 2030 and to 814 million by 2050, India is set to generate 165 million tonnes of waste by 2030 and 436 million tonnes by 2050. The waste composition and its characteristics are also subject to change drastically, with a rise in dry waste quantities, a trend observed in major cities.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to adopt sustainable waste management practices, with incineration and landfilling relegated to the back of the queue. Here are some ways in which this can be done.

1. More decentralised waste management

We need to shift from the use, take, make, and throw away models to circularity. The rush to hail WtE as a silver bullet solution has created a tunnel-like approach to waste segregation and disposal. By relying heavily on private companies for waste management, we’ve adopted a centralised approach that bypasses informal waste workers. Waste coming out of our houses now heads directly to these plants, sidestepping workers who would have segregated it. As a result, recyclables that could have had an afterlife are now being incinerated.

What’s needed are decentralised approaches to waste management. The integration of the informal waste economy, comprising ragpickers, waste pickers, and kabaadis(vendors of second-hand goods), is a critical part of the waste management ecosystem. Meticulously sorting waste into recyclable and non-recyclable piles before transporting it to primary transit points is central to its efficient disposal. Take the example of Ambikapur in Chhattisgarh. It has created its own decentralised waste management plan that segregates waste into 150 different fractions, thereby reducing the amount of waste reaching landfills. A team of 470 women, hired through the National Urban Livelihood Mission, plays a significant role in the city’s day-to-day waste collection, segregation, and management. Ambikapur has established robust circular systems without the need for WtE incineration as a waste management solution. While this model may not be feasible in cities such as Kolkata, Chennai, Mumbai, and Delhi NCR with larger populations and administrative limitations, it highlights the importance of decentralisation and integrating informal waste actors for a sustainable approach.

2. More stringent laws and reporting standards

There is a need to relook at contracts that municipalities sign with private parties, holding them accountable to collecting and processing waste and not just disposing it. Decentralised governance practices are key to effective environmental responses in cities, especially concerning waste management.

It is imperative to implement EIA clearances for all waste management plants, regardless of their capacity. Additionally, to facilitate an evidence-based waste management approach, it is crucial for key stakeholders such as researchers, nonprofits, media, and the general public to have access to data from WtE sites.

3. Alternate solutions like co-processing

Co-processing of waste at cement plants can be promoted as an effective waste management solution. It involves using municipal solid waste, industrial waste, and hazardous waste as an alternative fuel to coal in cement manufacturing. Not only is waste a cost-effective alternative to coal, but because everything burns at 1,450 degrees centigrade, there are no harmful emissions released. Waste is already co-processed in cement kilns in India. However, cement plants require high-quality segregated feed, which isn’t easily available to them at present. Nevertheless, it presents a significant opportunity for waste management, especially for high-calorific, non-recyclable waste.

As India’s population grows, waste will continue to pile up. There is an urgent need to reimagine our approach to waste management by redesigning systems and infrastructure to minimise waste generation and reduce its environmental impact. This requires incentivising practices that support waste reduction and sustainable processing methods through policies and regulations. We need a more holistic approach to waste management, but expensive quick fixes like WtE plants do more to greenwash than to help cities clean up their act. 

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Know More

• Dive into this article to learn about the shrinking space for waste pickers in the new waste economy.
• Read this article to understand how WtE systems have been faring in different countries. 

To determine the extent of the impact of air pollution on these occupations, Chintan conducted a survey of 400 participants—constituting safai karamcharis, waste pickers, and security guards—across 15 sites in Delhi. The findings of this survey have been published in a report titled Unfair Quality: The Impact of Air Pollution on Three Occupations. The report uncovers that 97 percent safai karamcharis, 95 percent waste pickers, and 82 percent security guards are prone to exposure to air pollution during work.

Highlighted below are some of the solutions put forth by the report to combat this.

1. Workers need accessible PPEs

The report outlines that approximately 61 percent safai karamcharis, 52 percent waste pickers, and 30 percent security guards are unaware of personal protective equipment (PPE) gear. More than half of these workers also report not having access to them. In the absence of these kits, many workers use a gamchha (cotton cloth) to cover their face and head, but this is not always helpful.

These occupations also subject workers to various other pollutants. For instance, during colder seasons, many workers resort to burning wood or coal to keep warm. However, this practice releases harmful toxins that can amplify respiratory issues and even contribute to cancer. Without PPE kits, the health issues experienced by these workers such as burning of eyes, cough, headache, and breathing problems can worsen. The study revealed that even where PPE is available, there are no incentives in place to promote its use among these groups, highlighting the necessity for additional measures to encourage compliance in this regard.

2. Workers should have access to healthcare

Although majority of the workers are aware of these health hazards, they find themselves compelled to persist in order to ensure financial security. This is particularly concerning for waste pickers, 87 percent of whom report suffering from various ailments since they started their current role. Forty-seven percent of safai karamcharis and 45 percent of security guards also report experiencing migraines, chest discomfort, and respiratory problems since commencing their duties.

Chintan conducted a pulmonary function test (PFT) to learn about the lung health of these workers and found that they suffered from decreased lung capacity when compared to indoor workers. Only 25 percent waste pickers, 14 percent safai karamcharis, and 14 percent security guards exhibited normal lung function. The study also concluded that women’s lung capacities have deteriorated more in comparison to men in all three occupations. Women waste pickers, for instance, are 3.9 times more likely than their male counterparts to have a respiratory disease.

Despite this, healthcare facilities remain inadequate. More than half of the workers surveyed expressed concerns about the lack of appropriate healthcare provisions, and a significant majority cannot avail routine annual health check-ups. Therefore, the need to improve healthcare access becomes imperative.

3. Organisations must promote healthy practices

In addition to offering healthcare provisions, workplaces can also include hand- and face-washing facilities. Gargling in the morning and at night, before and after work, can serve as an effective strategy to minimise the retention of dust particles within the throat and nasal passages.

4. Outside exposure needs to be limited

To safeguard the health of these workers, one of the most crucial steps is to minimise their exposure to pollutants. For safai karamcharis, this can be ensured by shifting their work timings from early in the morning to later in the day when pollution levels are not as high. Sweeping should be avoided when the air quality index (AQI) touches a hazardous level. Security guards must be provided with enclosed spaces to sit. For both, rotation in duty from high-pollution spots to low-pollution areas must be undertaken to avoid long-term exposure. And to prevent waste workers from burning waste in the winter, free gas cylinders should be made available. Dry waste collection centres must also be well ventilated. Waste burning should be monitored and heavily discouraged.

5. Systemic-level shifts are necessary

Although increasing healthcare access, limiting exposure, and promoting the use of PPE and healthy practices can aid in mitigating the impact of air pollution on these workers, achieving long-term sustainability in protecting them necessitates a broader systemic transformation.

• Waste pickers: Waste pickers should be empowered to explore alternative forms of recycling, such as doorstep collection or composting, rather than limiting their work to landfills. Garbage burning must be banned and any organisations or individuals partaking in it must be fined. This is particularly relevant for horticulture waste management. Investments must be made in wet waste composting to prevent landfill fires.
• Security guards: To prioritise the well-being of security personnel working in cities with an AQI higher than 300, it is crucial to offer discounts to organisations that can purchase kiosks for them. This initiative is particularly significant for security guards operating in construction sites, schools, or low-income areas.
• Safai karamcharis: In situations where the AQI exceeds 250, it is crucial to implement measures like spraying mist to mitigate the dispersal of rising dust. To prevent open burning of used tires and e-waste, adequate collection systems should be put in place. This will also increase recycling rates.  

Occupational health protection guidelines should be established and enforced by relevant bodies such as the Pollution Control Board and prioritised by programmes like the Swachh Bharat Mission. These guidelines must be integrated into the practices and policies of organisations involved in all three occupations to ensure the well-being and safety of workers.

Continued exposure to pollutants, coupled with socio-economic challenges, magnifies the damaging impact of air pollution on workers from these occupational groups. Addressing these issues requires a multi-pronged approach, including improved occupational safeguards, enhanced access to healthcare and education, and rigorous air quality management measures.

Komal Daal from Chintan; Dr Randeep Guleria, former director of AIIMS; and Dr Tejas Menon Suri, Assistant Professor, Department of Pulmonary, Critical Care, and Sleep Medicine at AIIMS, also contributed to this study.

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Know more

• Read the detailed report here.
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To address this issue, the 2011 e-waste rules introduced the concept of extended producer responsibility, which mandated that producers must ensure that the e-waste generated by their products is collected and recycled formally. However, the informal sector continues to be the most cost-effective in collecting e-waste from non-bulk generators such as households, shops, and small businesses, which look to maximise their earnings by selling e-waste. A 2020 report indicated that only 5 percent of e-waste has been recycled formally by authorised recyclers.

A large percentage of electronic goods are consumed by non-bulk generators—approximately 82 percent of the estimated e-waste generated in the country is in the form of personal gadgets such as smartphones and laptops. And while there are regulations in place, it is impossible to monitor the behaviour of millions of these small generators.

One way to improve compliance by non-bulk generators is to build awareness on the ill-effects of informal recycling, and how selling e-waste makes it unviable to be processed formally. Communication campaigns to spread awareness about the issue can play a key role in ensuring that people understand why responsible disposal of e-waste is important and how they can contribute to it. Campaigns geared towards tackling this issue must also capture the attention of a wide audience for a longer duration. This is where traditional modes of mass media such as print, television, and radio come into play.

As a nonprofit working on waste management, Saahas adopted radio campaigns and other modes of community engagement to cultivate greater awareness about the responsible disposal of e-waste. This article outlines the insights we gained through our experience of conducting two radio campaigns from December 2021 to May 2022.

Why radio?

Radio has been used by many government and private entities as a medium for delivering social campaigns and messages. For instance, the Government of India runs its ‘Beti Bachao Beti Padhao’ campaigns on radio to reach citizens across the nation. A Lancet study evaluated the use of radio in rural Burkina Faso and found that it can be a powerful tool for behaviour change when deployed effectively. In addition to this, as a broadcast medium, radio held certain advantages for our campaigns:

• It was cheaper compared to print and television.
• The campaign was geographically focused with a specific call to action for the national capital region (NCR), and city-based radio channels work well in targeting a specific geography.
• Radio has a captive audience—radio jockeys (RJs) have a dedicated following and people don’t tend to switch channels often.
• Unlike print and television, radio cuts across all social strata.

Two campaigns, one message

Our team selected Radio City due to its wide listener base in the target region and the popularity of some of its RJs. The first campaign consisted of 25-second testimonials by volunteers, schoolchildren, teachers, and members of resident welfare associations (RWAs) on why they gave their e-waste to Saahas. All messages ended with a clear call to action where the listeners were informed of a helpline number that they could contact to donate their e-waste. The second campaign was more creative, depicting conversations between anthropomorphised electronics and their owners.

The key difference between the two campaigns was that the content of the latter was designed to appeal to the listener’s emotions and be more relatable.

We chose spots such as RJ mentions, where the RJ would speak about the issue based on talking points supplied by us.

We also chose contextually relevant days such as Health Day, Earth Day, and Environment Day to run the second campaign. Most importantly, we reduced the length and increased the number of total radio spots or ads. Although the overall airtime of the second campaign was shorter, each individual slot was longer and more weekend slots were scheduled.

In addition to this, we chose some special types of spots, including RJ mentions, where the RJ would speak about the issue based on talking points supplied by us. The table below presents a comparison of the features of the two campaigns.

The first campaign resulted in approximately 21 calls on the number that was shared. The callers verified that they had heard about us on the radio. The first call came the day after the first promo went on air. The calls were enquiries about e-waste collection and organising awareness sessions.

We received 34 calls as a result of the second campaign. We began getting these calls two days after the campaign was launched. The quantity and quality of e-waste collected changed significantly between the two campaigns. Approximately 266 kg of e-waste was collected during the first campaign, whereas 1,370 kg of e-waste was collected in the second campaign. 

Although the waste collected as part of the first campaign consisted mainly of low-value e-waste such as wires, the waste gathered as a result of the second campaign comprised mostly of information, technology, and communication (ITEW) items in addition to some low-value e-waste. Considering that consumers associate greater monetary value with ITEW items and generally do not give these away for free, this was a big shift in behaviour change. It is important to note, however, that while the second campaign was more effective in terms of eliciting the desired response, it is quite possible that the first campaign helped build momentum for the second campaign’s improved collection.

What we learned

1. Getting the messaging right

We believed that radio can be an impactful medium for a campaign that is focused on a particular geography and where the messaging is uniform regardless of demographics. We tested this hypothesis by designing our campaigns for NCR and ensuring that the call to action was identical for all listeners regardless of age or gender. The first campaign concentrated more on getting schools and RWAs to sign up for e-waste disposal, whereas the second presented users with a strong nudge to view e-waste disposal as an individual responsibility. The significantly improved response that the second campaign received confirmed our initial hypothesis while simultaneously indicating that a call to action that instils a sense of individual responsibility is better suited for radio messaging. It is also important to note that when campaigning for a social or an environmental cause, the issue must not seem overwhelming as this is likely to make people think that any action they take would be futile. This was demonstrated by the fact that we observed a poorer response to testimonials as compared to light-hearted promos.

2. Picking a format that suits the objective of your campaign

While both long- and short-duration spots can be deployed on radio, long-form messaging works better for topics where depth is more important than attracting a wider audience. This is because a long spot cannot be run as frequently and is therefore more likely to reach a small audience. While we included one interview in the first campaign, we chose to avoid long spots altogether for the second one in a bid to reach as many listeners as possible.

RJs have a dedicated fan following that they can influence positively through personalised messaging.

We also commissioned different types of spots. For instance, we utilised RJ mentions where the RJ weaves a discussion about the issue into their on-air conversation. Since people are likely to tune out when a promo is running, RJ mentions serve as a way to discuss an issue before a more attentive audience. RJs also have a dedicated fan following that they can influence positively through personalised messaging. We also commissioned short promos that ran through the day, which were useful due to their recall value and potential to reach a larger audience.

3. Conveying gravity with levity and creativity

Our aim for the first campaign was to create awareness about the dangers of informal recycling. To achieve this, we played testimonials from a diverse set of stakeholders, including schoolteachers, members of RWAs, and recyclers, to inspire people to handle e-waste responsibly. Through the response to the first campaign, we understood that we can only effectively educate and build awareness among listeners if we adopt a more creative approach that can grab their attention.

We therefore introduced more levity to the campaign to avoid sounding preachy. We achieved this by designing the second campaign with quirkier messaging, such as using promos in which electronic devices were depicted as living beings with emotions and feelings.

Making the message topical also helped. For example, our Valentine’s Day promo—that highlighted the ‘lovelessness’ with which electronic devices are discarded—received more traction. Similar topical promos were also carried on Environment Day and Health Day.

Based on our experience, radio proved to be a more cost-effective medium than print or television for social messaging that needs to reach a bigger audience. However, while our aim was to reach as many people as possible with a uniform message, your campaign needs could be different. Therefore, while zeroing in on the right platform and medium for your social cause campaign, you should first define the campaign’s objective in relation to its expected impact. This will help you choose the right medium and platform, and create messaging that is engaging and relatable to your audience.

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Know more

• Learn more about the need for India to ramp up its e-waste collection efforts.
• Read this article on the lessons from COVID-19 on designing awareness programmes.

There are between 15 lakh and 40 lakh informal waste pickers in the country. They have been recovering and sorting reusable and recyclable solid waste from streets, bins, landfills, and material recovery facilities long before recycling became a buzzword. Most of them have accumulated local intelligence and skills needed to bolster a zero-waste cycle.

Yet, organisations working with the community say that most of them are getting displaced and sidelined as waste management systems get formalised. Bharati Chaturvedi, founder of Chintan Environmental Research and Action Group in New Delhi, says, “The way in which the waste world has changed hasn’t been good for waste pickers. There is a rapid decline in their earnings.” They are getting trumped by waste management start-ups, lack of access to waste, and price pressures from large buyers.

With the global breakdown in supply chains during the COVID-19 lockdown, there was less commercial or imported waste coming into India. This meant local waste commanded a premium. Indumathi, who runs a dry waste collection centre (DWCC) in Bengaluru, says, “The rate for dry waste was good during COVID-19. But we were scared to venture out for the first three months. When we finally started going about our livelihood, the curfew and time restrictions got in our way.” In Delhi, Bharati says, unlike the hundreds of thousands of people who walked back to their villages when lockdown was announced in March 2020, waste workers chose not to. “But because of the strict stay-at-home measures, they did not earn enough even for food. Their children were suffering from malnourishment,” she adds.

Disruption of informal chain

Three years on, business has still not picked up adequately for waste workers. Rates for dry waste—especially paper, cartons, and multilayered plastic—remain low. “The buyers have a steady inflow of material from outside the state or country,” Indumathi says. When buyers have bulk supply from external sources, they push down prices for the pickers.

India had banned the import of plastic waste in 2019. However, last year, it lifted this ban partially, citing shortage of waste generated in India. To make it worse, many of the local recyclers and waste traders who bought from waste pickers shut up shop during the pandemic and have not reopened since. Bharati says, “In many cases, the chain has collapsed.”

Because of door-to-door collection, there are few dumping areas left, reducing waste pickers’ access to waste.

This erosion of the informal ecosystem has been unfolding since before the pandemic. Haider Ali Sayyed, who started as a waste segregator in Mumbai 40 years ago and grew to become a trader with 10 waste godowns, talks about how things have changed on the ground. When he revisited his old neighbourhood after a long time, he was distressed by what he heard from the community. “They were in bad shape. They had no access to waste. Earlier, waste pickers would pick material from roadsides, parks, and any outdoor spaces. But now, because of door-to-door collection, there were few dumping areas left. Guards were not letting waste pickers take the trash from building bins,” he says. He learned that the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) had hired an organisation for doorstep collection of dry waste in the locality. Officials at the BMC told him that this organisation was working for the welfare of waste workers. “I visited the organisation and realised that they had been given land and vehicles to run the operation, but they had no information about the waste workers’ basti even though it was located less than 500 metres away,” he says.

Haider took his case to Assistant Municipal Commissioner Sharad Ugade, who encouraged him to set up the nonprofit Aasra Welfare Association in the area. Aasra went on to prove that the waste pickers had the skill the city needed. “The previous organisation used to pick and segregate two tonnes every day at their centre. Aasra increased this to 25 tonnes per day,” Haider says.

Shrinking opportunities

Bharati has also witnessed a similar process of displacement play out in Delhi, where the rise of big contractors threatens decentralised, smaller waste collectors. “Many new companies have entered the world of recycling. But they do not acknowledge that millions of informal workers depend on it for their livelihood, and have failed to integrate these workers. They carry out welfare activities and events for them but nothing beyond that. In fact, they are piggybacking on the work and knowledge of the kabadis and waste pickers. The informal workers have become tools for somebody else’s success instead of agents for their own progress,” she says.

The 2016 solid waste management rules allow the use of incinerators, which compete with waste workers for high calorific waste.

To make the transition to large-scale waste management sustainable and inclusive, the Ministry of Forest, Environment and Climate Change, through its solid waste management rules of 2016, had directed municipalities and urban local bodies to integrate informal waste workers in the new process. The directive is in sync with the National Urban Livelihoods Mission that aims to reduce urban poverty. But the 2016 rules allow the use of technologies such as incinerators, which compete with waste workers for high calorific waste. This has displaced many of the latter. Similarly, in many cases, the privatised door-to-door collection of household garbage has been outsourced to larger, more formal players.

In 2022, the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) sent out a request for proposal (RFP) for a single contractor to manage its entire solid waste process. But waste workers and SHGs associated with Hasiru Dala protested this move and wrote letters of objection to the BBMP, which then relented. Earlier, in 2015, as a result of their collective demands, the BBMP had set up a tri-party agreement with Hasiru Dala, other resource organisations, and entrepreneurial waste workers to run DWCCs. This included door-to-door collection of waste and processing. Indumathi runs three such centres and employs 88 workers.

In Bengaluru, about 550 informal workers have been integrated into the formal solid waste management system. However, there are approximately 35,000 of them in the city. There are not sufficient jobs with private players or urban local bodies. As Bianca Fernandes from Hasiru Dala points out, “How many jobs can you give out? They need infrastructure support, such as land, vehicles, and identity cards.”

Informal waste pickers need support

A study carried out by the Regional Centre for Urban and Environmental Studies (RCUES), Mumbai, in 2022–23 lists the ways in which informal workers can become an important and integral part of the evolving waste ecosystem. Apart from jobs with private players and urban local bodies for wages, waste pickers can form collectives and participate in the tendering process as SHGs with local bodies, as is being done by Hasiru Dala.

To move up the value chain, they also need other kinds of support. Bharati says, “It is challenging for the waste pickers to become authorised dealers. They don’t have the capital. They need hand-holding with registration, GST, and other complex issues. The toughest challenge is getting land to set up shop in an industrial area, where the rentals are exorbitant.” A 2021 survey conducted by Chintan in Delhi showed that waste pickers do not have designated spaces to work with waste. More than 42 percent waste pickers segregated and sorted waste in their homes, on rickshaws, or by the roadside. Approximately 38 percent reported working in dhalaos or three-walled concrete structures.

Haider adds that traditional waste pickers need practical tips on how to cope with the new formal system. “They don’t understand what their rights are or what schemes they can avail. Most of them are freelancers and not used to schedules and daily fixed hours of work, so when they do get hired by companies, they are unable to stick to the inflexible hours. This is particularly hard for women who have several other responsibilities including household chores and family care to attend to,” he says.

Bianca says, “The government should acknowledge why they need to be integrated into the system. They are very skilled in identifying waste that can be recycled. They are also connected in the chain and ensure that material reaches the right destination.” A Hasiru Dala study in 2011 showed that 15,000 waste pickers in Bengaluru saved the BBMP INR 84 crore in collection and transportation costs every year. According to a 2010 UN Habitat report, waste pickers carry out between 50 and 100 percent of waste work in most cities of the developing world. Their work saves large costs for city governments, which do not pay for the labour.

As more capital and technology make inroads into the waste system, local bodies and civil society organisations can ensure this transition acknowledges the skill and contribution of informal waste pickers and brings them financial stability and upward mobility.

Smarinita Shetty contributed to this article.

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Know more

• Read this resource to learn more about waste systems.
• Read this report to learn more about why waste pickers need to be included in urban waste management systems.
• Read this article to learn how an environmentalist in Leh is building awareness about waste management in his community.

Much of my understanding of environmental issues developed during my days as an economics undergraduate at PGDAV College in Delhi University. I went to Delhi on a government scholarship in 2019. In a way, it all happened by chance. I took up economics in class 12 only because it was easy to score marks in the subject. I didn’t have any clear goals about a future in economics. When I got the scholarship and shifted cities, it was the first time I had stepped out of Ladakh. I couldn’t bear the heat in Delhi. Being much larger in population compared to Ladakh, the state produced an amount of waste I had never seen before. I joined an environmental society in college called Geo Crusaders. My interactions with the members broadened my perception of the city’s waste problem. They had what they called ‘hills’, but they were hills made of garbage.

Since my return from Delhi, I started seeing my home town’s waste landscape in a new light.

My time in Delhi helped me later with my work in Leh. When COVID-19 struck in 2020 and college was shut, I had to return home, and I’ve been here since except for a short trip to Delhi in 2022 for my exams. I started seeing my home town’s waste landscape in a new light, and began working with my community on the various issues around waste management that we were struggling with. The first problem was limited awareness about the environment, and the second was the issue of dry-waste segregation.

8 AM: I wake up and have breakfast with my family—my parents, younger brother, and sister. Mummy manages the household and also works as an ASHA at the health centre in the village and Papa has a government job at the Public Works Department. They are happy with my interests and work. My siblings are younger than me; my brother studies in class 11 and my sister studies in class 3.

After breakfast, I leave for work. I recently joined an environmental nonprofit, Little Green World, as a field assistant. They are a consultancy focused on disseminating knowledge about the environment through teacher trainings and workshops with the youth. Little Green World’s office is in the main area of Leh. Our village is a little away from the city, so I look for a vehicle; on the days that I can’t find anything, I hitch-hike. I reach office at 10 am. This is the first time I have been formally employed; I am learning how to apply field work in a job environment. There’s a set plan and a timeline to doing things—we visit a school, conduct workshops with children, and follow up with them later about the lessons. I want to learn more about the environmental space, and I hope this job will help me do that.

During my years in Delhi, my work and learning had been almost entirely informal, but it was a beginning. As I gained awareness, I started with small changes in my personal life. I would always carry a bag to buy fruits and vegetables, because otherwise the vendors would hand me plastic packets. I would tell people in my circle to follow the same routine. Whenever my friends would forget to carry a bag, they would sheepishly accept their mistake to me.

I still believe that it takes small steps to bring about change. When I started working with children in Leh, I distributed bamboo toothbrushes to them so that they have a biodegradable option for this daily-use item. I wanted them to see this bamboo toothbrush every morning and think about how it had replaced a harmful alternative, turning it into a cause for reflection. This thought would then spread to the other things they do during the day.

5 PM: Today at work, as I interacted with schoolchildren, it struck me that when workshops have incentives, the children are more interested. On my ride back home, I kept thinking about organising a drawing competition for Lothun Lobthuk Tsogspa Phey (United Youth Group of Phey), a group I started for students of classes 5–6. After I reach home and freshen up, I speak with Mummy and she too feels it’s a great idea. So I text on Lothun Lobthuk Tsogspa Phey’s WhatsApp group for the children to gather.

It turns out to be a great session. The children draw pictures to show the state of the earth. One of the pictures depicts clean water and greenery on one side and industrial waste and pollution on the other—it shows us what’s possible and what the earth is turning into.

My evenings are flexible; there’s no set pattern to them. Some days I go play football with students from classes 11–12, because I love the sport. On other days I watch movies such as Wall-E and Finding Nemo with the children. This is usually followed by an informal discussion. For example, after watching Finding Nemo, we talked about the marine environment and how fishes are affected when we move them out of their habitat.

When we started, the children did not know any better than I did when I was their age.

Lothun Lobthuk Tsogspa Phey has been very important for the children and me since its inception in the second half of 2020, just after the lockdown was lifted. When I returned from Delhi and realised that Leh lacks proper waste recycling infrastructure, I started mobilising children into a group because I believe that children are the future. I could not have done anything without them. When we started, they did not know any better than I did when I was their age. They were unaware of the harm that use-and-throw plastic causes and why proper garbage disposal is necessary. But now they are participating in cleanliness drives!

The first cleanliness drive took place during the first wave of the pandemic when the children were sitting at home and getting bored. I asked them, “June 5 is World Environment Day; should we conduct a cleanliness drive?” They said yes. Mummy prepared lunch for the kids, so while they helped in waste segregation, it also became a picnic for them.

During this period, I had the idea to try out a process I had seen on YouTube and Instagram. It is called ‘bottle break’ and involves collecting garbage in plastic bottles to turn it into something useful, like a building brick. But this initiative was not met with much enthusiasm by the locals, especially the elders. They were more difficult to convince than the children. Eventually, I had to make the environment more tangible for them to understand. One of the ways was to ask them why they think Leh and Ladakh are hotter now than before. Recently, the Kargil and Zanskar areas were affected by floods. As these natural disasters are more frequent now, I use them to build out conversations.

The second cleanliness drive was conducted with mostly students from classes 11–12 and college. This was the first time I had approached the local government for support. It helped that my mother is an ASHA and has some goodwill with the administration here, so they are not suspicious of my intentions. Through the local panchayat, we received a fund for plastic segregation. There is only one segregation centre in Leh, which is in the main city. I took the group there with the support of the panchayat and the authorities—they arranged the transport for us. We took the centre’s permission to carry the waste there and, once they told us how to go about the segregation, we separated PET bottles, hazardous materials, and cardboard.

We noticed that the segregation centre was not free of problems itself. There were dogs everywhere, and they would come and chew on discarded materials such as sanitary pads. Slowly, the children in the locality started getting invested in these issues.

9 PM: I enjoy cooking, so I help Mummy with it. During this time, I also discuss my day with her. Today we are talking about the importance of collaboration to achieve any goal. She knows a lot about mobilising people because she does it for a living as a health worker and member of a self-help group for ASHAs. I saw how hectic her work was during the pandemic when she had to go from house to house to convince people about the vaccine, and then organise vaccination drives.

We have dinner, and I am in bed by 10–11 pm. If I am not too tired, I spend some time reflecting on my day and thinking of new ways to involve the youth in our work. Leh has many problems, but a lack of will to change is not one of them.

The kids I met in Delhi were interested in getting their certificates, which they could then add to their CVs. It was mandatory for them to attend, so they did. They participated in the cleaning, clicked pictures, and uploaded them on Instagram; they didn’t engage too deeply. Here, on the other hand, while participation is not compulsory, the children still come happily. After segregating the plastic bottles and numbering them, they ask, “What should we do with these now?” They don’t have any resources or cars to drop them, but they have genuine interest in building a better tomorrow.

Young people all over the world have taken it upon themselves to protect the environment. They are more conscious than adults and want to engage and make an impact. Just look at Greta Thunberg—the contribution from her initiative Fridays for Future, now a global environmental movement, has led to policy change and better youth engagement. She and Sonam Wangchuk, an educational reformer from Ladakh, are my role models.

Now there’s a space in the village where waste can be collected and a large pit on the outskirts to separate waste.

I am trying to boost youth participation in village governance, so that young people can become a part of the decision-making process. In the past, the panchayat has invited young people to participate in gram sabhas, but they don’t turn up because they don’t understand the importance of these forums. Even in the two gram sabhas that I attended, I was the only young person. I want to change this. I am glad that our panchayat is open to new ideas. Now there’s a space in the village where waste can be collected and a large pit has been created on the outskirts to separate waste. I recently spoke with the sarpanch about a segregation centre. I have been told that my request has been put forward in the administration, and I will be informed when a decision is made.

However, there are also external challenges that Ladakh faces. It is a popular travel destination and has many tourists coming in on a regular basis, which has its impact on the surroundings. People come here for 10–15 days and want to travel everywhere because they don’t have enough time, but their actions have consequences on the environment. I feel tourists should come and meet the locals, interact with them, and witness their way of life to understand Ladakh. They can stay at homestays instead of hotels to learn about the lifestyle and culture of the people here. After all, the aim of ecotourism is to promote tourists’ interactions with the locals and the natural environment.

One of the things I do to build awareness is that once in a while I go and stand with placards in Leh’s main market, which is frequented by tourists from both within and outside India. I got this idea from the Instagram handle @dudewithsign, run from New York. Some people come up to me to ask what I am doing; usually they click a photo, say “good, good”, and leave. My hope is that some of them think about the message later.

As told to IDR.

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Know more

• Learn why many climate activists continue to choose radical forms of protests.
• Read about how a self-group group is improving waste management in Udupi.

Reports from NITI Aayog and the World Bank estimate that the Indian Himalayan Region (IHR) now generates more than five to eight million metric tons of waste annually. Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh have witnessed more than 400 million tourists since 2010 and are among the worst-performing states when it comes to solid waste management. Poor waste collection and infrastructure leads to more than 60 percent of waste being dumped, burned, or swept downstream into key rivers like the Ganga, Yamuna, and Sutlej.

The aforementioned World Bank report highlighted that there is not enough data available on the quantity and type of waste being generated in such landscapes. The report also confirmed that waste collection systems exist only in urban areas of the mountain states and that collected waste is dumped in open landfills, which are generally located near rivers. This practice disproportionately impacts marginalised communities. Additionally, waste dumping has an adverse effect on the more than 30,000 species of local flora and fauna, some of which are rare and on the verge of extinction.

Why is waste such a big problem in this region?

Changing consumption patterns in rural areas

Historically, there wasn’t a need for waste management in rural and hilly areas as most of it would be biodegradable. However, in recent decades, both durables and consumables—especially fast-moving consumer goods (FMCGs) in multilayered plastic packaging—have reached most villages in the Himalayas. Household products made of cloth, wood, leaves, bamboo, and other local materials are being rapidly replaced with cheaper plastic products at a large scale. This has led to an increase in non-biodegradable waste generation in rural areas. With no waste collection systems in place, rural residents and authorities are forced to burn waste or dump it downhill and in rivers.

The waste collection data gathered by Waste Warriors, the organisation I lead, revealed that villages with road access to tourist destinations generate approximately 6 kg of waste per household monthly, while remote villages generate more than 2 kg of dry waste per household monthly. For instance, the 5,000+ households inside the Govind Wildlife Sanctuary (a snow leopard conservation area) in Uttarkashi and the thousands of tourists who visit it every year generate more than 15 metric tons of dry waste per month—all of which is either dumped in the forest/river/hillside or burnt. This is equivalent to approximately a truck full of waste dumped and burned every day.

Heavy influx of tourism and single-use products

With more travel options via road, train, and air, tourists are increasingly flocking to Himalayan states. Additionally, they visit more remote rural destinations and trekking routes. Their urban consumption patterns influence local residents to procure and sell packaged FMCGs, PET bottles, and single-use plastics to meet the large demand generated by the tourism, food, and hospitality sectors. This leads to widespread littering, dumping, and burning of waste in and around tourist areas.

Difficult terrain for logistics and infrastructure

The difficult Himalayan terrain increases the costs of daily operations, complicates transportation logistics, and widens the distance from the nearest recycling factories. The IHR has a dearth of infrastructure for waste collection (vehicles), dry waste processing (material recovery facilities), and wet waste processing (composting or biogas units). The designated informal dumping points are typically near riverbanks so that the waste can get washed away during the monsoon.

Lack of reach of extended producer responsibility

Even though the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change has mandated FMCG brands to set up and support reverse logistics for their plastic waste as a part of their extended producer responsibility mandate under the Plastic Waste Management Rules 2016, most brands do not invest in reverse logistics in hilly areas due to the high cost of collection. Moreover, many of the products available in these villages are produced by local brands, which do not have the capacity to invest in reverse logistics. Tourists carry products by the more popular brands with them, and the waste they leave behind does not get collected or recycled.

Lack of policy enforcement and convergence

Waste collection in the IHR is sporadic, and waste is immediately dumped either at designated sites that lack environmental clearance or directly downhill and in rivers. Informal waste pickers and scrap dealers play a major role in material recovery, but only for high-value materials such as PET plastic, metals, cardboard, and glass. Additionally, such waste picking remains limited to urban and tourist areas. It doesn’t help that most gram panchayats and village or block development officers are ill-equipped to handle the exponentially increasing waste generation by local and floating populations.

Moreover, while the waste is usually dumped in forest areas, the forest department does not have the mandate to set up waste management systems in village areas. The tourism department invests in setting up dustbins in different tourist destinations, but the collection and processing system is broken.

Another major challenge is the inability of different government departments to collaborate effectively with each other. For example, the Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation (through SWAJAL) is in charge of the Swachh Bharat Mission-Gramin, which allocates INR 16 lakh per block for the construction of a plastic waste management unit. Ensuring the optimal utilisation of the funds provided to gram panchayats falls under the purview of the panchayati raj department. However, SWAJAL’s mandate is only the construction of the material recovery facility, with little clarity on handover of the responsibility of its operations. Additionally, the gram pradhans are sceptical about utilising these particular grants for day-to-day operations. This is because this kind of activity typically gets approved when there is proof of completion via geotagging. Day-to-day operations, however, cannot be geotagged.

Social stigma and informal livelihoods

There is social stigma attached to working with waste as a means of livelihood. In most urban areas, informal migrant workers are involved in waste collection and segregation. However, rural areas do not attract these migrant workers. In addition to tackling the environmental challenges caused by waste pollution, gram panchayats, village development officers, and national entities such as the National Rural Livelihoods Mission must coordinate and work with rural residents to overcome this stigma and support efforts to generate livelihood opportunities for them in waste collection operations, material recovery, and market linkages for alternative products.

Another important factor to be noted is that the per capita amount provided by the central government to gram panchayats under the Swachh Bharat Mission-Gramin guidelines is insufficient to meet the expenses in hilly areas due to the widely spread-out population and difficult terrain as compared to villages in the plains, which have a much higher population density.

The systemic nature of the problem implies that no singular institution or stakeholder can be held responsible for it. There is certainly an urgent need to solve the waste management problem in the IHR, but the current efforts in this direction are not commensurate with the scale of the issue. Given the significant global investment in tackling ocean plastic pollution, it’s time we also invested the required resources to protect the mighty Himalayas.

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Know more

• Read this overview to know more about the work performed by Waste Warriors.
• Read this article to know more about solid waste management in the Indian Himalayan Region.
• Read this article to understand how plastic pollution is an obstacle to India’s net-zero goal.

I first visited Ghazipur in 2017, and over the years I have witnessed a series of initiatives undertaken to recycle the disproportionate amount of waste produced by the city on a daily basis. In what appears to be a sign of change, the sight of burning garbage has been replaced by giant machines installed by the local municipal corporation to segregate, recycle, repackage, and supply waste back into the economy. Approximately 20 backhoes and excavators and 15 waste separators and sieves (trommels) are kept running through the day; none of these were present during my visit in 2017.

A range of businesses are dependent on the waste that is segregated at the site. This includes plastic, metal, fabric, polythene, glass, as well as various materials that are used to make sanitary tiles, manure, and more.

Every day hundreds of ragpickers toil at the landfill, making a living out of garbage.

Eagles await their turn as the trucks dump the garbage.

Hailing from the town of Mau in Uttar Pradesh, Mr Dubey is employed as a watchman by a private security agency that is contracted to provide personnel to the landfill. Stationed at the very top of the heap, his job is to keep a watch on the recycling set-up.

Kebal Singh works as a truck driver at the landfill, where he has spent the last three decades of his life.

Trommel screens help in waste segregation—they act as sieves and filter out materials of a certain size.

The machines work constantly and undergo significant wear and tear. A team of on-site mechanics and welders are responsible for fixing and maintaining the machines.

The dust suspended in the air is a health hazard. Newly deployed sprinklers spray water droplets into the air so that the dust subsides.

Workers who live on-site take turns to prepare meals for each other.

Many workers at Ghazipur reside in on-site container housing.

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Know more

• Read about how a self-help group is improving waste management in Udupi, Karnataka.
• Learn about the different kinds of waste and how you can segregate waste at its source.
• Read the latest rules released by the central government for management of different waste streams.

In October 2021, two publications by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) provided updated information and recommendations on addressing plastic pollution. Other global organisations also took a firm stance on plastic pollution. The Common Seas’ evaluation tool for national governments, Plastic Drawdown, focuses on a country’s available resources to assess effective mitigation strategies. The Zero Waste framework for reducing plastic waste targets legal and financial solutions in European cities to reduce greenhouse emissions. Youth ambassadors from the Plastic Pollution Coalition also petitioned the leaders at COP26 to act on the issue of plastic pollution and the climate crisis. So have The Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA), Break Free From Plastics (BFFP), Beyond Plastics and Recycling Association.

To understand why many organisations tried to raise the issue of plastic pollution at a climate conference, we must understand the impacts of plastic on oceans, ecosystems, and human health. The most critical yet lesser-known fact about plastic pollution is that it plays a significant role in global greenhouse gas emissions and climate change.

In 2019, a report titled Plastic & Climate: The Hidden Costs of a Plastic Planet examined the lifecycle of plastics and identified major sources of greenhouse gas emissions, unaccounted sources of emissions, and uncertainties that lead to an underestimation of plastic’s climate impacts. In October 2021, Beyond Plastics released another report built on previous findings, titled The New Coal: Plastics & Climate Change, to assess the devastating impact of plastics on climate, much of it happening with little public scrutiny and lesser government and industrial accountability. While both reports focus on the plastic industry in the United States—the worst global plastic polluter, the findings will hold true for other nations with expanding petrochemical industries.

Plastic is manufactured from naphtha, a crude oil-based substance, and ethane, liquid natural gas, with the addition of other chemicals, most of which are fossil fuel-based. Hence, plastic manufacturing is a significant source of greenhouse emissions. A recent study identified over 8,000 chemical additives used for plastic processing, some of which are a thousand times more potent as greenhouse gases than carbon dioxide. Products like single-use packaging, plastic resins, foamed plastic insulation, bottles and containers, among many others, add to global greenhouse emissions. Most plastic cannot be recycled, only downgraded, and is often incinerated, or used as fuel in waste-to-energy plants, sometimes known as chemical recycling. While plastics are worth three to four times as much for fuel than as scrap, these recycling processes release more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, adding to the greenhouse effect.

India’s plastic cycle

India is among the many countries scaling up its petrochemical industries. With an investment of $100 billion to boost domestic production by 2030, the next decade will catalyse India’s crude oil demand and accelerate petrochemical production. Industrial practices like decarbonisation, and plastic-based fuels touted to be sustainable, are less optimal and cost-effective than claimed, with the result contributing to more emissions and a larger carbon footprint.

On the recycling front, India generates 9.46 megatons of plastic waste each year, of which 40% is not collected and is either burnt, lost, or dumped into landfills or waterways. Of the total plastics produced, half are used in packaging, most of which are single-use in nature. Despite the existence of 5,000 registered recycling units, plastic recycling is largely informal. A complicated aggregator system segregates, recycles, and makes some profit off the plastic economy.

Waste-to-energy plants and refuse-derived fuels are examples of suboptimal processes with high emissions. Despite many setbacks, from shutdowns due to poor waste-to-energy efficiency, fines for flouting environmental safety norms, and high operational costs, India continues to invest in these recycling technologies, for lack of alternatives.

To meet India’s net-zero targets by 2070, it needs stronger solutions.

“While these are scientifically proven methods to dispose or process waste, more mechanisms are needed to address the challenges of efficiency and cost,” says Kaushik Chandrasekhar, a solid waste management expert at The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI). Incineration and recycling-as-fuel can only be a part of the solution if they add to India’s greenhouse emissions. To meet India’s net-zero targets by 2070, it needs stronger solutions.

India’s net-zero aim for 2070

In November 2021, India’s ambitious net-zero target for carbon emissions were celebrated by many, as the country committed to becoming carbon-neutral by not adding any greenhouse emissions to the atmosphere by 2070.

As the world’s fourth-biggest carbon emitter, these targets marked India’s cognizance of the issue of climate change, and its commitment to address it. But with the country’s industrial practices headed in a different direction, can it realistically achieve net-zero in the next 50 years?

A recent analysis by the Council for Energy, Environment and Water Research (CEEW), a think tank in New Delhi, estimated a cost of over $10 trillion (Rs. 700 lakh crore), for the upgraded infrastructure of renewable energy sources for electricity, transport, building, and industry sectors to meet the net-zero targets. “If we are to account for the petrochemical industry emissions in future scenarios, data on energy use for plastic production, both as fuel and as feedstock—the raw material used but not burned during an industrial process—is essential,” surmised Vaibhav Chaturvedi, co-author of the CEEW report. “However, it is in the petrochemical sector’s commercial interests to introduce circular economies that allow plastics to remain in the industrial ecosystem, rather than find non-plastic-based alternatives,” he added.

The report is a grim reminder that recycling plastics as an industrial fuel is not a viable long-term solution to pollution. As India’s petrochemical industries expand, could infrastructure interventions that consider the plastic lifecycle help turn the tide on climate change?

Circular economy approach for the lifecycle of plastics

In April 2021, TERI’s roadmap proposed a circular plastic value chain to address the problem of both plastic pollution and greenhouse emissions. The roadmap aims to dissociate plastic production from virgin fossil fuels and incentivise the reduce-reuse-recycle principles to address the issue of waste.

Bio-based plastics, manufactured partially or wholly from biomass, and oxo-biodegradable plastics that degrade under favourable conditions offer more viable, less GHG-emitting alternatives to fossil-fuel plastics. Yet neither are completely biodegradable, and industries need to look for other packaging solutions.

In September 2021, the India Plastics Pact (IPP) was signed under a collaboration between the World Wildlife Fund, the Confederation of Indian Industries, with support from UK Research and Innovation. The IPP, the first of its kind in Asia, aims at a circular economy for plastics with innovative ways to eliminate, reuse, or recycle the plastic packaging across the plastics value chain, and forge collaborations between businesses and NGOs to collectively achieve long-term targets. International brands like Amazon, Coca-Cola, and Indian companies like Hindustan Unilever, ITC Limited, Tata Consumer Products Limited, and three of Godrej’s trademarks, have signed the pact.

Corruption is a big challenge in the recycling sector.

Corruption is a big challenge in the recycling sector. “When government land is allocated for public recycling infrastructures, such as a landfill, a waste-to-energy plant, or a biogas plant, the informal sector is largely ignored. Yet they are the largest investors in the recycling business. Instead of spending on public infrastructure, the government could strengthen the informal sector, allow them to expand in scale, capacity, and technology, so that they have a vested interest not just in making a profit but in addressing the issue of pollution,” advises Bharati Chaturvedi of Chintan, an environmental research and action group in Delhi.

Both TERI and Chintan, along with other grassroots organisations like the Integrated Mountain Initiative and Development Alternatives, are partners of the Japan-funded UNEP project, CounterMEASURE. The project is committed to identifying sources and pathways of plastic pollution in river systems in Asia, with a focus on the Mekong (China) and Ganges (India) rivers—among the top contributors of marine pollution. Their policy-driven approach hopes to tackle plastic at different stages of its lifecycle and ensure that rivers transport lesser plastic into the marine ecosystem.

Finally, to deal with discarded plastics in the ecosystem, restoring coastal blue carbon habitats such as mangroves, tidal marshes and seagrass meadows becomes important. These habitats trap and bury plastics, preventing them from entering marine ecosystems, with the added advantage of sequestering more carbon than terrestrial forests. Financing integrated solutions to address two of the most critical global problems of this century, namely plastic pollution and climate change, would help us achieve net-zero goals, while protecting communities and habitats.

This article was originally published on Mongabay-India.

During my college years I worked with a local political party. There I met a well-known political leader from Uttar Pradesh, who, after learning about my economic situation and family background, advised me against pursuing a career in politics. He told me that politics is for those who have time and money, and that I, unfortunately, didn’t have the luxury of either. He suggested I sit for the UPSC entrance exams instead.

Most of my day now goes in studying and preparing for the exam. Simultaneously, I work as a cleaner in the nearby market along with my father and brothers. Both my brothers are younger than me. While one is still pursuing his studies, the other discontinued them after standard 12. He now helps with housework and earns some money from gig work on the side.

6.00 AM: My day begins with the online coaching classes I am taking to prepare for the UPSC exams. I quickly brush my teeth and wash my face before logging in for the class from my smartphone. My father serves me a cup of tea he has prepared, before he heads off to the private school where he works as a cleaner. This is his daily routine. The tea helps me stay alert during the early morning classes.

Initially I knew almost nothing about the UPSC exams, let alone what all I would require to pass them. After searching online and speaking with people, I found out about coaching centres in Mukherjee Nagar and enrolled in one. But the coaching centre shut down due to COVID-19. I still have not received the refund from them. Thus, I have now enrolled myself in online classes that I can afford.

12.00 PM: After I finish my classes, I attend to chores around the house. I run some errands and pick up the ration when required. My entire day depends on the way my classes are scheduled. Today, because I am speaking with you, I tried to complete the work for my classes earlier and didn’t do any household chores. My younger brother is helping out around the house instead.

3.00 PM: I have my lunch at this time and try to squeeze in a quick nap right after. We all get together for evening tea around 4 pm, after which I sit down for my evening classes.

6.00 PM: I step out to collect our payment from the nearby market. I started working at a fairly young age in order to pursue my studies. In the two months of summer vacation during school, I would apply for all kinds of jobs in municipal corporations and private companies. My first job was with the Railways in 2012. I used to work for a contractor who would pay me INR 4,000 a month. I thought the situation might improve after I finished school, but nothing changed even after graduation.

Whenever I go looking for jobs, recruiters ask me about my prior work experience. As soon as I tell them about my job as a cleaner, I am asked to continue with the same work. Their reason is that I have no experience of any other work. I remember applying for the position of a room attendant in the office I was already working at. The salary difference wasn’t much, maybe just a thousand rupees more. But I was told that because people had seen me clean the office, they would not be comfortable seeing me change their bedsheets and pillow covers. Eventually, in order to manage household expenses, I started doing the cleaning jobs that my family has been doing for generations.

Nowadays anyway I can’t dedicate too many hours to a full-time job while studying for the UPSC entrance exam on the side. 

10.00 PM: After finishing my last class for the day, my family and I sit down for a quick dinner cooked by my mother. After dinner, my father, my brothers, and I leave for the market to clean the shops. During the COVID-19-mandated lockdown, the vendors at the local market who employed us were unable to open their shops. Those who did got beaten up by the cops. I was also beaten by the cops once when I went to the market to take my money. They said, “Do you not see that there is a lockdown in place?” All of us survive on daily wages and even one day without pay can set us back.

But nobody came to help us during that difficult time. My father used to work with a private company as a cleaner before the pandemic. He was sacked along with some 400–500 workers when the lockdown began—he got half a month’s salary for March and nothing after. We survived on the savings that we had at home. There were a lot of problems—we used to get half a litre of milk from the dairy but we had to reduce it to 250 ml; we had to cut back on food; and we had to decide when we could shower because we had to save soap. All of this was happening when people were talking about how one should regularly wash their hands with soap.

We were happy that we no longer had to do manual scavenging. But now the question was, what were we supposed to do?

It was during the lockdown that I started working with nonprofits. I helped a nonprofit that visited our locality to distribute food. I also started working with Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA). It has only been a year or two since I have been associated with them, but I knew about their work since the time I was a child. I remember they first visited our area in 2010 and told us we should stop doing manual scavenging. My mother and other women in the area would work as manual scavengers. By 2013 my mother was made to quit this work.

This one government official—likely from an upper caste—who visited us explained to people how employing someone to carry human waste was now a punishable offence. We were happy that we no longer had to do manual scavenging. But now the question was, what were we supposed to do?

That was 2010; now it is 2021—these women are still waiting to be ‘rehabilitated’. The government keeps making promises but nothing has actually happened. They just make us sign self-declaration forms and do rounds of offices for paperwork. I am now working with SKA to help with some of these formalities. The organisation has been trying to get people more work, but there has been no support from the municipal corporation.

12:00 AM: I finish cleaning the shops by midnight. Once I reach home, I dust off my clothes and wash up. Then I sit down to study for a bit. I go over my notes and write down any queries I have from my classes. Meanwhile, my younger brother also finishes his studies on my phone.

When I clear this exam, I really want to help build a better life for those around me. I want to work towards increasing people’s minimum wage so that they can at least afford basic necessities. Mother Dairy’s milk, for example, is INR 44 a litre; a child’s school fee is approximately INR 500 a month excluding expenses on pens, pencils, and books; and even dal is about INR 20 for 250 gm. If a family has two children and their total income is only INR 300 a day, how will they survive?

The other thing I want to focus on is skill development. I went to learn mobile repairing under Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana. But the trainers did not really care about teaching skills; they just wanted their share of money from the government. I never even got my diploma for the course. The government runs programmes but doesn’t monitor their implementation.

People might say that manual scavenging is over, but those involved with this work had to return to carrying waste and cleaning jobs.

Skill development is very important. People might say that manual scavenging is over, but those involved with this work had to return to carrying waste and cleaning jobs. Why? Because they could not find any other work—they haven’t been equipped with any other skills. Neither have they been giving any training nor have they received any monetary support to develop skills and find other work. People got tired of waiting and eventually returned to their old work. I also had to go back to cleaning. The only difference is that back then it was kaccha (pit latrine); now we sweep, pick up the waste, and dispose it. The process may have changed on paper, but the exploitation remains.

As told to IDR.

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Know more

• Read this interview with Bezwada Wilson—a lifelong crusader against manual scavenging.
• Learn how a Dalit woman’s legal battle led to reservations in Tamil Nadu’s anganwadis.
• Understand the different types of manual scavenging practised in India.

The Association of Rural Urban and Needy (ARUN), Centre for Equity Studies (CES), and WaterAid India jointly conducted a survey in four states (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh) to highlight these issues. The baseline survey had 1,686 respondents and the end of action survey covered 123 women manual scavengers (WMS) in six locations in two states—Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh.

The findings of the end of action survey reaffirm the caste and gender-based nature of manual scavenging. It also draws attention to the level of awareness about the legal provisions for people engaged in this profession.

The link between caste, gender, and manual scavenging

All the survey respondents belonged to Dalit communities, such as Valmiki, Dom, Hari, and others. 

According to the survey, 27.6 percent of the WMS were still engaged in cleaning dry latrines, coming in direct contact with human faeces. These women are informal workers, do not have fixed wages, and are not paid in a timely manner. This was evident as 20.3 percent of the surveyed WMS were unemployed and had no income. The average monthly salary of 64 percent of WMS ranged from INR 240 to INR 4,500. 

This is despite the fact that the Minister of Labour and Employment has mandated basic wages for those employed in sweeping and cleaning activities to be INR 350 a day. 

Difficulty in finding alternative livelihood options

Several respondents expressed that they had attempted to pursue other livelihood options to move away from manual scavenging, but to no avail. Some have managed to be employed as caretakers or cleaning staff in domestic, public, or institutional settings. Their work, however, still included cleaning toilets. 

Women involved in manual scavenging experienced triple oppression.

They were subjected to various forms of discrimination, which impacted their well-being. The localities where they lived often had no household piped water connection and they had limited access to stand posts that supply water. They are commonly prohibited from eating with other people and have to use separate glasses and utensils in restaurants—in those instances where they are allowed to enter. Women involved in manual scavenging experienced triple oppression—as members of a caste involved in manual scavenging, as women, and as poor people with little or no formal education.

Access to services and schemes

All the respondents had Aadhaar cards, 99.18 percent had voter cards, and 90.24 percent had ration cards. Despite this, several of them reported not being enlisted as women who carry out manual scavenging activities under The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act (PEMSR Act). Even with the required documents, many of them are yet to be enrolled as people who are employed as manual scavengers. As a result, they have been excluded from several commitments made under the PEMSR Act and Self-employment Scheme for Rehabilitation of Manual Scavengers (SRMS).

For instance, 9.76 percent of the respondents conveyed that their state government had not issued ration cards to eligible households to purchase subsidised food grains from the public distribution system. As several of the WMS did not have the required documents to meet the eligibility criteria, they could not access essential items such as wheat, rice, and sugar. 

Awareness of legal provisions 

Majority of the respondents (93.93 percent) knew that manual scavenging is prohibited by law and many (77.06 percent) were cognisant of the rules and provisions of the PEMSR Act. Further, 62.88 percent were aware that their employment was illegal. 

Only 6.5 percent of the respondents were included in the official list of manual scavengers released by the Government of India.

Only 27.77 percent of the respondents had any knowledge about government schemes specific to their communities, such as rehabilitation and scholarship opportunities. When asked about rehabilitation provisions under the PEMSR Act, respondents revealed that they had faced several challenges. As per the Act, authorities are expected to identify the number of people engaged in manual scavenging and take measures to ensure rehabilitation. However, among the WMS surveyed, this has not happened. Close to 42.69 percent of them had filed an application or self-declaration to the local authority so they can be identified as a manual scavenger. Only 6.5 percent of the respondents were included in the official list of manual scavengers released by the Government of India. Additionally, 47.1 percent of the respondents had applied for a one-time cash assistance programme under the SRMS. Of this, only 2.4 percent received the sum. 

Systemic measures to eliminate manual scavenging

The complete eradication of manual scavenging as a practice can only be achieved once its caste-based nature is acknowledged and systemic measures to rehabilitate and provide adequate compensation are implemented.

1. Improve the legal framework

The definition of manual scavenging in the PEMSR Act must be broadened. It must also recognise the caste-based and generational nature of the profession, and expand the criteria for people to be enrolled under the Act, with clear guidelines for implementers. Alongside this, the enforcement of the provisions of the Act are critical. 

2. Better data collection, monitoring, and accountability mechanisms

The government must consistently collect reliable data on people engaged in manual scavenging. This will allow for better rehabilitation measures and enforcement of the PEMSR Act. While the Act mandates every state and union territory to have a State Commission for Safai Karamacharis, only eight of the 28 states have set these up. Thus, it is imperative that state- and district-level commissions be instituted for better monitoring of the PEMSR Act.

3. Provide adequate financing

The SRMS should have adequate budgetary allocation and utilisation by the Department of Social Justice and Empowerment. Departments such as labour, urban and rural development, health, education, and others should be given responsibilities to ensure the upliftment of communities engaged in this work. 

4. Increase rehabilitation compensation

Currently, grants for the rehabilitation of WMS under the SRMS are capped at INR 40,000 per individual. However, this amount is insufficient to set up viable enterprises. The National Human Rights Commission has also recommended that this amount be revised to INR 1,00,000. A faster and more efficient process to clear applications and disburse one-time compensation and loans must also be instituted. 

5. Normalise use of protective gear and technology

The central and state governments should promote and mandate the provision and use of personal protective equipment (PPE) for all sanitation work. They must also prioritise sustainable technology alternatives to eradicate all forms of manual scavenging. Increasing budget allocation for sewage treatment infrastructure or faecal sludge treatments will allow for mechanisation of toilet tank emptying, cleaning, and transportation. 

6. Coordinate civil society action

Civil society organisations must make a coordinated effort to improve the health, safety, and dignity of WMS. Organisations working in the water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) sector need to come together and work in conjunction with trade unions and the government to ensure that the livelihoods and human rights of people engaged in manual scavenging are protected.

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Know more

• Read this report to better understand the link between caste and manual scavenging. 
• Understand why the caste-based nature of manual scavenging needs to be addressed.
• The proposed amendments to the PEMSR Act do not address the issue of caste. Read this article to learn more.

Do more

• Report an injustice, volunteer your time, or join the movement to eliminate manual scavenging.